Relative Operator Movement in Japanese
1139 H. Y.
This thesis is a study of relative clause constructions in Japanese and English. In English relative clauses, overt wh-phrases as relative pronouns can be observed and wh-movement is involved in the derivations (Chomsky 1977).
In (1a), whom originates at the object position to the right of met and whom is subject to movement to [Spec, CP] as in (1b). On the other hand, in Japanese relative clauses, no wh-phrases can be observed.
(2)
Kare-wa [[watashi-ga kinou atta] hito] desu
he-Nom I-Nom yesterday met man is
Judging from the difference between (1) and (2), Japanese relative clauses are different from English. However, some English relative clauses have no wh-phrases in syntax.
(3)
a. He is the man [that I met yesterday].
b. He is the man [I met yesterday].
In sentences of (3), "empty operator movement" (Chomsky 1977, 1986) is included as which I will deal with in detail in the next chapter. Hence, we cannot easily reach the conclusion that the structures of relative clauses in Japanese are different from those in English because they have no wh-phrases as relative pronouns. This drives me to the question of whether or not relative clauses in Japanese involve empty (null) operator movement. The goal of this thesis is to show that an empty relative operator exists and syntactic empty operator movement is involved in relative clauses in Japanese.
This thesis is organized as follows. In chapter 2, I have examined the configurations of relative clauses in English and relative operator movement. First, I have reviewed the studies of the structures in English relative clauses (Smith 1964, Chomsky 1965, Jackendoff 1977, McCawley 1988 and Ross 1967) and examined the validity of them. Next, I have overviewed the studies of relative operator movement (Radford 1988,1997, Chomsky 1995, Haegeman and Gueon* 1999) on the basis of the structure proposed by Ross (1967). Chapter 3 turns to the examination of the existence of empty relative operator and its movement in Japanese relative clauses. I have assumed relative clauses in Japanese involve relative operator movement and presented the supporting evidence: the effects of island constraints, the weak crossover effects, and the reconstruction effects. The data with regard to resumptive pronouns in English and Japanese was also shown. All of them are considered to be the characteristics of movement. In chapter 4, I have exhibited one consequence of this study, which can be solved by Hasegawa's (1984,1985) generalization. This thesis supports that relative clauses in Japanese involve empty operator movement.
*The letter 'e' in the name 'Gueon' is not English 'e' but French 'e with accent aigu'.